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Friday, July 17, 2009
What really happened in Sri Lanka?
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SRI LANKA / MUTTUR MASSACRE: ACF demands an internationalized inquiry
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Tamils look for leadership after Tigers
Tamil National Alliance (TNA)is trying to assume a leadership role by proposing a solution. "Our proposals will be based on the Canadian and Swiss model of power sharing in a federal set up. We will try to build a consensus among the Tamil parties barring the ones which support the ruling party," says R Sampanthan, the leader of the TNA. Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) V. Anandasangaree believes the Indian model of power sharing between the central and state governments will solve the problems in Sri Lanka. But the Sinhala hardliners in the government are not keen to dilute the unitary structure of the Sri Lankan state.
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Tamil issue paramount in relations - India
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The silent suffering of Sri Lanka's Tamils
Roy Ratnavel, National Post
In May of this year, during the final stages of a brutal ethnic civil war between the Tamil Tigers and the Sri Lankan government, a so-called "humanitarian rescue" of civilians was undertaken by Sri Lanka's armed forces. More than 20,000 Tamil civilians trapped in the conflict zone were massacred. Thousands of dead are children, and most of them died before they even knew that they were Tamils. Scores of people died in bunkers, or were burned alive and bombed in open spaces. People were also shot at close range by the Sri Lankan army. Sri Lanka had no qualms about using heavy weapons to bombard the very people it claimed to be rescuing. According to some reports, the army even used illegal chemical weapons.
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In May of this year, during the final stages of a brutal ethnic civil war between the Tamil Tigers and the Sri Lankan government, a so-called "humanitarian rescue" of civilians was undertaken by Sri Lanka's armed forces. More than 20,000 Tamil civilians trapped in the conflict zone were massacred. Thousands of dead are children, and most of them died before they even knew that they were Tamils. Scores of people died in bunkers, or were burned alive and bombed in open spaces. People were also shot at close range by the Sri Lankan army. Sri Lanka had no qualms about using heavy weapons to bombard the very people it claimed to be rescuing. According to some reports, the army even used illegal chemical weapons.
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Sri Lanka, India bridge proposal revived
July 17, 2009 (LBO) - A proposal to build a bridge linking Sri Lanka and Indian across the Palk Straits is to be discussed at a meeting of south Asian transport ministers in Colombo, a senior official said.
Amal Kumarage, chairman of the island's National Transport Commission, said the bridge will help Sri Lanka regain its regional identity and be part of a continent.
The bridge, over the existing Adam's Bridge of sand banks, would almost be like an umbilical link between the two countries.
"If we have a land bridge with India it will revolutionaise travel," he told a seminar organised by the Chamber of Construction Industry on transport needs to revive the island's north and east whose progress had been retarded by the 30 year ethnic war.
Government forces defeated the Tamil Tiger rebels in May after a lengthy military campaign. The government is trying to revive the former war zone.
Kumarage said the Indo-Lanka bridge is still at least 10 years away and should be looked at as a long-term project.
"Next weekend (south Asian) transport ministers are to meet in Colombo at which the Indo-Lanka land bridge is an item for discussion."
Amal Kumarage, chairman of the island's National Transport Commission, said the bridge will help Sri Lanka regain its regional identity and be part of a continent.
The bridge, over the existing Adam's Bridge of sand banks, would almost be like an umbilical link between the two countries.
"If we have a land bridge with India it will revolutionaise travel," he told a seminar organised by the Chamber of Construction Industry on transport needs to revive the island's north and east whose progress had been retarded by the 30 year ethnic war.
Government forces defeated the Tamil Tiger rebels in May after a lengthy military campaign. The government is trying to revive the former war zone.
Kumarage said the Indo-Lanka bridge is still at least 10 years away and should be looked at as a long-term project.
"Next weekend (south Asian) transport ministers are to meet in Colombo at which the Indo-Lanka land bridge is an item for discussion."
Post-War Sri Lanka- Concerns and Reservations
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Sri Lankan refugee appeal
SOS Children has launched an emergency appeal for funds to finance helping refugee children after fighting in Sri Lanka. SOS has been working in Sri Lanka for 29 years and so far is the only organisation that has been invited to visit the area and start work for children. Senior staff of SOS Sri Lanka have been able to visit the northern part in Vavuniya. Vavuniya is also the area where SOS had programmes in early 1990 for about 5 years or so helping the community rebuild their lives. There are hundreds of unaccompanied children in the camps in immediate need of help and care.
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DEPLOYMENT TO SRI LANKA - HAP SUPPORT IN NEW EMERGENCIES
The HAP field team will be in Colombo, Sri Lanka on 23rd July 2009, for a three month deployment to work with HAP members, their partners, and other interested agencies responding to the current humanitarian crisis in Northern Sri Lanka with the aim of improving understanding about, and strengthen performance of, NGO humanitarian accountability and quality management practices. Fifteen HAP members are responding either directly or through implementing partners: ACFID, ACT, ACTED, CAFOD, CARE, Christian Aid, DanChurchAid, Danish Refugee Council, MERCY Malaysia, Muslim Aid, Norwegian Refugee Council, Oxfam GB, Save the Children UK, Tearfund, and World Vision.
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US Congress places Rights barriers on Sri Lanka IMF loan
The language inserted in the Department of State Appropriations bill S.1434 soon to be passed in the United States Senate, has virtually blocked U.S. Treasury Secretary from authorizing the projected $1.9B IMF loan to Sri Lanka, unless Secretary of State Hilary Clinton certifies that Sri Lanka "is treating internally displaced persons in accordance with international standards, including by guaranteeing their freedom of movement, providing access to conflict-affected areas and populations by humanitarian organizations and journalists, and accounting for persons detained in the conflict," and Sri Lanka is promoting "reconciliation and justice including devolution of power to provincial councils in the north and east as provided for in the Constitution of Sri Lanka."
The bill makes appropriations for the Department of State, foreign operations, and related programs for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2010, and for other purposes.
Vermont Democratic Senator Patrick Leahy, chairman of the Appropriations Subcommittee on State and Foreign Operations, reported the original bill which was read twice and placed on the calendar.
Congressional staffers told TamilNet the strong language in the bill inserted by Senator Leahy greatly diminishes the prospects for the IMF to release the long delayed loan to Sri Lanka any time soon.
TamilNet also learnt that the Leahy committee has asked US State Department to submit a report on possible war crimes committed in Sri Lanka between January and May this year.
The text of the portion of the bill related to Sri Lanka follows:
SRI LANKA
SEC. 7091. (a) None of the funds appropriated by this Act under the heading ‘‘Foreign Military Financing Program’’ may be made available for assistance for Sri Lanka, no defense export license may be issued, and no military equipment or technology shall be sold or transferred to Sri Lanka pursuant to the authorities contained in this Act or any other Act, until the Secretary of State certifies to the Committee on Appropriations that the Government of Sri Lanka—
is suspending and bringing to justice members of the military who have been credibly alleged to have violated internationally recognized human rights or international humanitarian law; and
has agreed to the establishment of a field presence of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in Sri Lanka with sufficient staff and mandate to conduct full and unimpeded monitoring throughout the country and to publicize its findings;
is treating internally displaced persons in accordance with international standards, including by guaranteeing their freedom of movement, providing access to conflict-affected areas and populations by humanitarian organizations and journalists, and accounting for persons detained in the conflict; and
is implementing policies to promote reconciliation and justice including devolution of power to provincial councils in the north and east as provided for in the Constitution of Sri Lanka.
(b) Subsection (a) shall not apply to technology or equipment made available for the limited purposes of maritime and aerial surveillance.
(c) The Secretary of the Treasury shall instruct the United States Executive Directors of the international financial institutions (as defined in section 1701(c)(2) of the International Financial Institutions Act (22 U.S.C. 262r(c)(2))) to vote against any loan, agreement, or other financial support for Sri Lanka except to meet basic human needs, unless the Secretary of State certifies to the Committees on Appropriations that the Government of Sri Lanka is meeting the requirements in subsections (a)(3) and (4).
The model indictment document produced by Washington Attorney Bruce Fein, and the submittals to the District of Columbia District Court on Tamils Against Genocide (TAG's) legal action against IMF loan have also been forwarded to the Leahy committee, according to TAG officials.
The bill makes appropriations for the Department of State, foreign operations, and related programs for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2010, and for other purposes.
Vermont Democratic Senator Patrick Leahy, chairman of the Appropriations Subcommittee on State and Foreign Operations, reported the original bill which was read twice and placed on the calendar.
Congressional staffers told TamilNet the strong language in the bill inserted by Senator Leahy greatly diminishes the prospects for the IMF to release the long delayed loan to Sri Lanka any time soon.
TamilNet also learnt that the Leahy committee has asked US State Department to submit a report on possible war crimes committed in Sri Lanka between January and May this year.
The text of the portion of the bill related to Sri Lanka follows:
SRI LANKA
SEC. 7091. (a) None of the funds appropriated by this Act under the heading ‘‘Foreign Military Financing Program’’ may be made available for assistance for Sri Lanka, no defense export license may be issued, and no military equipment or technology shall be sold or transferred to Sri Lanka pursuant to the authorities contained in this Act or any other Act, until the Secretary of State certifies to the Committee on Appropriations that the Government of Sri Lanka—
is suspending and bringing to justice members of the military who have been credibly alleged to have violated internationally recognized human rights or international humanitarian law; and
has agreed to the establishment of a field presence of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in Sri Lanka with sufficient staff and mandate to conduct full and unimpeded monitoring throughout the country and to publicize its findings;
is treating internally displaced persons in accordance with international standards, including by guaranteeing their freedom of movement, providing access to conflict-affected areas and populations by humanitarian organizations and journalists, and accounting for persons detained in the conflict; and
is implementing policies to promote reconciliation and justice including devolution of power to provincial councils in the north and east as provided for in the Constitution of Sri Lanka.
(b) Subsection (a) shall not apply to technology or equipment made available for the limited purposes of maritime and aerial surveillance.
(c) The Secretary of the Treasury shall instruct the United States Executive Directors of the international financial institutions (as defined in section 1701(c)(2) of the International Financial Institutions Act (22 U.S.C. 262r(c)(2))) to vote against any loan, agreement, or other financial support for Sri Lanka except to meet basic human needs, unless the Secretary of State certifies to the Committees on Appropriations that the Government of Sri Lanka is meeting the requirements in subsections (a)(3) and (4).
The model indictment document produced by Washington Attorney Bruce Fein, and the submittals to the District of Columbia District Court on Tamils Against Genocide (TAG's) legal action against IMF loan have also been forwarded to the Leahy committee, according to TAG officials.
Mahinda takes Tamils on merry go round for the world to see
In the aftermath of the LTTE’s military defeat, some of the Tamil-speaking people in the northern parts of Sri Lanka rush to the polls to elect representatives to their local councils. This election is a ruse, Sri Lanka’s false face of democracy to the world. Even if we were to concede that government elections are an aspect of democracy, it is a tiny part devoid of free media and freedom of speech, with the ratio of one military officer for every ten Tamil persons. Colombo wants to show the world that political stability and democracy have been restored so that they will prove both that the ethnic strife has dissipated and to cover up the genocide accusations. They want to show the world that all people of the island are Sri Lankans and they all embrace Sri Lankan democracy. However, Colombo uses the Tamils as scapegoats and is taking them for a ride. The Local Councils will look after the removal of rubbish bins, destroy stray dogs, and try keeping the toilets clean. If the huge rubbish mounds in Colombo are anything to go by, then we can imagine what kind of work these local councils would be engaged in.
The tragedy is that Colombo rejects the fundamental rights of Tamils and has treated the entire Tamil community as terrorists even in the aftermath of the LTTE – GoSL war in Vanni, where nearly 300,000 Tamils have been incarcerated in the Nazi-style camps in Vavuniya. Despite confining the Tamils in the razor-wired camps, Colombo claims that it is seriously concerned about the plights of Tamils and they want to educate the Tamils in democracy.
Elections a waste in the Northeast
It is pathetic that the government does not allow free movement of media access, even to the NGOs and INGOs, for the fear that these organizations will bring out the miseries of the people living in the military controlled areas. Instead, Sri Lanka claims that they are educating the Tamils in democracy.
Tamils are again taken for a ride as they were in the past on several occasions. In the past when the Indian Armed Forces infiltrated the Tamil homeland, they too conducted such elections and they put forwarded their loyal militant-turned-political parties and even ten year old Tamil children were taken forcefully, had their heads shaved, and put in the camps of the militant organizations such as EPRLF, ENDLF and EPDP so that in case if they happened to join the LTTE, they could be identified and killed. However, the Tamils rejected all these militant groups as well as the Indian Armed Forces except the LTTE because the other organizations acted against the interest of the Tamils, while the LTTE was receiving a red-carpet welcome from the Tamils. Varatharajah Perumal of EPRLF became the first Chief Minister with the introduction of 13th amendment of Sri Lanka’s Constitution as per the Indo-Lanka accord, which legalized the joining of the North and East of Sri Lanka as a single entity known as the “Northeast”. However, Varatharajah Perumal and his associates fled the country to India for safety because Tamils rejected them. Perumal and associates are still in the protection of Indian taxpayers and their whereabouts are still kept confidential for fear that they will be killed by the LTTE.
As it is the history of Eelam struggle, Sri Lanka’s president, too, makes such a move to hold elections after claiming that they have defeated the LTTE militarily in May 2009. Colombo announced that they defeated the LTTE and the time is ripe for Tamils to hold the elections as it would help bring democracy to the Tamils in the North who experienced terrorism in the past three decades. The irony is, Colombo failed to acknowledge that it was Colombo that terrorized the Tamils who are now defenceless and who will have no choice but to live within the military culture introduced by the Sri Lankan Armed Forces.
After the war was over, Colombo announced that 174 candidates from six political parties and two independent groups are vying for 29 seats in the Jaffna Municipal Council while there are 15 seats in the Vavuniya Urban Council for the 135 candidates from six political parties and three independent groups. The Elections Department will set up 85 polling stations in Jaffna and Vavuniya on August 8. The question is who and what the election staff would be. The record of the government has been involved in the rigging of elections since the Development Council elections in 1981 in Jaffna where the election staff was appointed from among carpenters, tailors, labourers, and criminal elements taken to Jaffna from the south coinciding with the burning of the Jaffna Public Library.
The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) credible to the Tamils submitted its list of 29 candidates contesting the Jaffna election. The TNA announced that S.N.G Nathan would be its “principal candidate” for the list for Vavuniya. In Jaffna, the three-party coalition consisting of EPRLF Varathar front, PLOTE, and Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) tendered its nomination list with Veerasingham Anandasangaree as its principal candidate. The ruling United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA), United National Party (UNP), Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), and two independent groups, one headed by Abimanasingham Manickasothy and the other formed by displaced Muslims of Jaffna, filed nominations.
No free and fair elections
TNA Jaffna district MP Mavai Senathirajah has said: “We do not believe that the elections are going to be free and fair. The burning of newspapers on the eve of nominations raises a big question.” He said his party’s priority would be to resettle the displaced Jaffna civilians once it is elected to the Jaffna Municipal Council. He further said: “Our intention is to rebuild Jaffna to its pristine glory with the resettlement of displaced civilians from Jaffna. The Jaffna Municipal Council areas are the worst hit in the Jaffna district. Thousands of people have been displaced from Jaffna Municipal Council limits with their houses and business establishments coming under severe attacks. Therefore, the TNA’s priority would be in re-building the Jaffna Municipal Council to its old glory with all modern facilities.”
In the meantime, Deputy Inspector General of Police Gamini Navaratne, who is in charge of elections, said in response to the growing violence and intimidations that there is no group that exists in the region to cause such problems. However, residents and media outlets say they face severe threats and violence taking place daily, even in broad daylight, but the culprits manage to escape without apprehension by the Sri Lankan security.
The ruling party, UPFA General Secretary and Education Minister Susil Premajayantha, said that people who accept UPFA policies can join the UPFA. Everybody should at this critical point unite to propel the country to achieve the development targets set under the Mahinda Chintanaya. Referring to the Jaffna and Vavuniya local government poll’s nomination lists which included EROS, TELO, and EPDP, representatives of the UPFA Secretary said that President Mahinda Rajapaksa had also stressed recently that all citizens should work for the country’s sinking narrow differences.
The UPFA election campaign in Jaffna is managed by Social Services and Social Welfare Minister Douglas Devananda, while Resettlement and Relief Services Minister Rishard Badiudeen and Vavuniya District Parliamentarian Sumathipala will lead the campaign in the Vavuniya district. Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) leader V. Anandasangaree will contest the Mayoralty of the Jaffna Municipal Council. Anandasangaree said that the TULF was contesting the election with the objective of bringing about a change in the Jaffna political landscape.
It is well known that the EPDP of Douglas Devananda conducted elections in the mid-1990s and killed many opponents, intimidated voters, and was vehemently condemned by opponents because they rigged the elections and won majority of seats. The EPDP is a rejected party by the Tamils. In the recent past elections, the TNA, the proxy party of the LTTE, won the majority vote. The EPDP is collaborating with UPFA and that would be an asset for the UPFA to sweep the seats and thereby impose detrimental actions against the Tamils.
As these elections are being hurriedly done, unknown armed men believed to be the paramilitaries sponsored by the Sri Lankan army threaten the locals and even the local newspapers are receiving death threats, assisted by parties loyal to the government such as the EPDP. Despite promises given by Colombo, Tamil dailies are severely threatened to support the UPFA. A group calling itself the Tamil Front Protecting the Country earlier said in a note sent to newspaper dealers that reporters and other staff, including the security guard, must quit the dailies. The note further said: “Uthayan has been a propaganda organ for terror activities. Since you have ignored our previous warnings, we are forced not to allow newspapers that mislead the people. Those who ignore this will be subjected to the death penalty.”
The Sri Lankan armed forces are escorting the vehicles of the UPFA and its allies and they are pasting posters with the photos of Mahinda Rajapaksa and Douglas Devananda. But, the pro-government militants and the armed forces bring down the posters of opponents even in broad daylight. Also, the armed forces as well as paramilitaries are threatening the volunteers who put up the posters of TNA and others with death.
Sri Lanka is a country where at least 14 journalists and staff at news outlets have been killed by suspected government paramilitaries since the beginning of 2006. Others have been detained, tortured, or have disappeared, and 20 more have fled the country because of death threats. The farcical elections made out to be vital to democracy are in serious turmoil because the freedom of expression has been suppressed by the state and the people have no say publically for fear they will be persecuted by the state armed forces. This is the reality on the ground for the Tamils on the island.
The elections to be held on August 8 in Vavuniya and Jaffna are nothing but a means to hoodwink the global community and thereby weaken the political demands of the Tamils, and further to receive aid from foreign donors in the guise that they are making every effort to restoring democracy to the region the LTTE had terrorised. Also, the government will use its electoral victory in the local government elections in the Tamil dominated North as the mandate for the Mahinda Chinthanaya, and that would easily allow the government to deny the political demands of Tamils for which the LTTE was fighting for more than three decades militarily. However, it is unlikely that the global community would recognize Colombo’s sinister plans though they will soon realize the real face of the Sri Lankan government. Rajapaksa and his brothers who run the state would never grant autonomy for the Tamils, even a federalism that exists in India, because Sinhala extremists would not allow it to happen, and the Tamils who have silenced their guns will have no choice but to rise again with the global support.
-- By Satheesan Kumaaran for Tamil National
The tragedy is that Colombo rejects the fundamental rights of Tamils and has treated the entire Tamil community as terrorists even in the aftermath of the LTTE – GoSL war in Vanni, where nearly 300,000 Tamils have been incarcerated in the Nazi-style camps in Vavuniya. Despite confining the Tamils in the razor-wired camps, Colombo claims that it is seriously concerned about the plights of Tamils and they want to educate the Tamils in democracy.
Elections a waste in the Northeast
It is pathetic that the government does not allow free movement of media access, even to the NGOs and INGOs, for the fear that these organizations will bring out the miseries of the people living in the military controlled areas. Instead, Sri Lanka claims that they are educating the Tamils in democracy.
Tamils are again taken for a ride as they were in the past on several occasions. In the past when the Indian Armed Forces infiltrated the Tamil homeland, they too conducted such elections and they put forwarded their loyal militant-turned-political parties and even ten year old Tamil children were taken forcefully, had their heads shaved, and put in the camps of the militant organizations such as EPRLF, ENDLF and EPDP so that in case if they happened to join the LTTE, they could be identified and killed. However, the Tamils rejected all these militant groups as well as the Indian Armed Forces except the LTTE because the other organizations acted against the interest of the Tamils, while the LTTE was receiving a red-carpet welcome from the Tamils. Varatharajah Perumal of EPRLF became the first Chief Minister with the introduction of 13th amendment of Sri Lanka’s Constitution as per the Indo-Lanka accord, which legalized the joining of the North and East of Sri Lanka as a single entity known as the “Northeast”. However, Varatharajah Perumal and his associates fled the country to India for safety because Tamils rejected them. Perumal and associates are still in the protection of Indian taxpayers and their whereabouts are still kept confidential for fear that they will be killed by the LTTE.
As it is the history of Eelam struggle, Sri Lanka’s president, too, makes such a move to hold elections after claiming that they have defeated the LTTE militarily in May 2009. Colombo announced that they defeated the LTTE and the time is ripe for Tamils to hold the elections as it would help bring democracy to the Tamils in the North who experienced terrorism in the past three decades. The irony is, Colombo failed to acknowledge that it was Colombo that terrorized the Tamils who are now defenceless and who will have no choice but to live within the military culture introduced by the Sri Lankan Armed Forces.
After the war was over, Colombo announced that 174 candidates from six political parties and two independent groups are vying for 29 seats in the Jaffna Municipal Council while there are 15 seats in the Vavuniya Urban Council for the 135 candidates from six political parties and three independent groups. The Elections Department will set up 85 polling stations in Jaffna and Vavuniya on August 8. The question is who and what the election staff would be. The record of the government has been involved in the rigging of elections since the Development Council elections in 1981 in Jaffna where the election staff was appointed from among carpenters, tailors, labourers, and criminal elements taken to Jaffna from the south coinciding with the burning of the Jaffna Public Library.
The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) credible to the Tamils submitted its list of 29 candidates contesting the Jaffna election. The TNA announced that S.N.G Nathan would be its “principal candidate” for the list for Vavuniya. In Jaffna, the three-party coalition consisting of EPRLF Varathar front, PLOTE, and Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) tendered its nomination list with Veerasingham Anandasangaree as its principal candidate. The ruling United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA), United National Party (UNP), Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), and two independent groups, one headed by Abimanasingham Manickasothy and the other formed by displaced Muslims of Jaffna, filed nominations.
No free and fair elections
TNA Jaffna district MP Mavai Senathirajah has said: “We do not believe that the elections are going to be free and fair. The burning of newspapers on the eve of nominations raises a big question.” He said his party’s priority would be to resettle the displaced Jaffna civilians once it is elected to the Jaffna Municipal Council. He further said: “Our intention is to rebuild Jaffna to its pristine glory with the resettlement of displaced civilians from Jaffna. The Jaffna Municipal Council areas are the worst hit in the Jaffna district. Thousands of people have been displaced from Jaffna Municipal Council limits with their houses and business establishments coming under severe attacks. Therefore, the TNA’s priority would be in re-building the Jaffna Municipal Council to its old glory with all modern facilities.”
In the meantime, Deputy Inspector General of Police Gamini Navaratne, who is in charge of elections, said in response to the growing violence and intimidations that there is no group that exists in the region to cause such problems. However, residents and media outlets say they face severe threats and violence taking place daily, even in broad daylight, but the culprits manage to escape without apprehension by the Sri Lankan security.
The ruling party, UPFA General Secretary and Education Minister Susil Premajayantha, said that people who accept UPFA policies can join the UPFA. Everybody should at this critical point unite to propel the country to achieve the development targets set under the Mahinda Chintanaya. Referring to the Jaffna and Vavuniya local government poll’s nomination lists which included EROS, TELO, and EPDP, representatives of the UPFA Secretary said that President Mahinda Rajapaksa had also stressed recently that all citizens should work for the country’s sinking narrow differences.
The UPFA election campaign in Jaffna is managed by Social Services and Social Welfare Minister Douglas Devananda, while Resettlement and Relief Services Minister Rishard Badiudeen and Vavuniya District Parliamentarian Sumathipala will lead the campaign in the Vavuniya district. Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) leader V. Anandasangaree will contest the Mayoralty of the Jaffna Municipal Council. Anandasangaree said that the TULF was contesting the election with the objective of bringing about a change in the Jaffna political landscape.
It is well known that the EPDP of Douglas Devananda conducted elections in the mid-1990s and killed many opponents, intimidated voters, and was vehemently condemned by opponents because they rigged the elections and won majority of seats. The EPDP is a rejected party by the Tamils. In the recent past elections, the TNA, the proxy party of the LTTE, won the majority vote. The EPDP is collaborating with UPFA and that would be an asset for the UPFA to sweep the seats and thereby impose detrimental actions against the Tamils.
As these elections are being hurriedly done, unknown armed men believed to be the paramilitaries sponsored by the Sri Lankan army threaten the locals and even the local newspapers are receiving death threats, assisted by parties loyal to the government such as the EPDP. Despite promises given by Colombo, Tamil dailies are severely threatened to support the UPFA. A group calling itself the Tamil Front Protecting the Country earlier said in a note sent to newspaper dealers that reporters and other staff, including the security guard, must quit the dailies. The note further said: “Uthayan has been a propaganda organ for terror activities. Since you have ignored our previous warnings, we are forced not to allow newspapers that mislead the people. Those who ignore this will be subjected to the death penalty.”
The Sri Lankan armed forces are escorting the vehicles of the UPFA and its allies and they are pasting posters with the photos of Mahinda Rajapaksa and Douglas Devananda. But, the pro-government militants and the armed forces bring down the posters of opponents even in broad daylight. Also, the armed forces as well as paramilitaries are threatening the volunteers who put up the posters of TNA and others with death.
Sri Lanka is a country where at least 14 journalists and staff at news outlets have been killed by suspected government paramilitaries since the beginning of 2006. Others have been detained, tortured, or have disappeared, and 20 more have fled the country because of death threats. The farcical elections made out to be vital to democracy are in serious turmoil because the freedom of expression has been suppressed by the state and the people have no say publically for fear they will be persecuted by the state armed forces. This is the reality on the ground for the Tamils on the island.
The elections to be held on August 8 in Vavuniya and Jaffna are nothing but a means to hoodwink the global community and thereby weaken the political demands of the Tamils, and further to receive aid from foreign donors in the guise that they are making every effort to restoring democracy to the region the LTTE had terrorised. Also, the government will use its electoral victory in the local government elections in the Tamil dominated North as the mandate for the Mahinda Chinthanaya, and that would easily allow the government to deny the political demands of Tamils for which the LTTE was fighting for more than three decades militarily. However, it is unlikely that the global community would recognize Colombo’s sinister plans though they will soon realize the real face of the Sri Lankan government. Rajapaksa and his brothers who run the state would never grant autonomy for the Tamils, even a federalism that exists in India, because Sinhala extremists would not allow it to happen, and the Tamils who have silenced their guns will have no choice but to rise again with the global support.
-- By Satheesan Kumaaran for Tamil National
World’s media community writes open Letter to Rajapaksa
The International Press Freedom Mission to Sri Lanka, which is comprised of representatives from the world’s media community, including Reporters Without Borders, is extremely concerned over the ongoing spate of violent attacks against the media.
However, in spite of the military victory over the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), the deterioration of the press freedom situation in the country has continued, the International Press Freedom Mission group to Sri Lanka said in its statement published Thursday.
The statement said: We welcome your recent statement ensuring the safety of Tamil-language media outlets following a series of harrowing attacks and death threats against their personnel.
However, we believe that much needs to be done immediately to ensure that Sri Lanka’s journalists and independent news media in Sinhala, Tamil and English enjoy the freedom and safety to which they are entitled in a democracy.
The International Mission would therefore like to propose to you and your Government a 11-point plan to redress the perilous press freedom environment in Sri Lanka:
1. Combat impunity through the creation of a Special Prosecutor’s Office for the investigation of crimes against the media with full autonomy to investigate attacks on and assassinations of journalists and to bring those responsible to justice. Several journalists have been killed since 2007, and yet none of these murders has yet been solved.
2. In accordance with international standards on media freedom and freedom of expression, put in place effective measures to ensure that all journalists can work safely, in particular in areas where local council elections will soon take place such as Jaffna and Vavuniya.
3. Release imprisoned journalist J.S. Tissainayagam and his colleagues B. Jasiharan and V. Vallarmathy, who have been detained since March 2008 under the Emergency Regulations, and were later charged under the 2006 Prevention of Terrorism Act. Withdraw all unjustified complaints and lawsuits brought by the police and government against journalists and freedom of expression activists and repeal legal provisions which may be used to punish journalists for engaging in legitimate media work, including those found in anti-terrorism legislation.
4. Release the first results of the investigation into the murder of Lasantha Wickrematunge in 2009.
5. Provide full and unconditional access to the IDP camps for all media in order to report freely and fairly on the reconstruction process since the end of the war. The media can play a vital role in making sure that the reconstruction and reconciliation efforts are genuine and have real impact to bringing lasting peace.
6. Repeal the Press Council Act No. 5 of 1973, which includes powers to fine and/or impose criminal measures, including sentencing journalists, editors and publishers to lengthy prison terms. Instead, allow the media to strengthen the existing self-regulatory mechanism, in accordance with democratic practices.
7. Introduce training for the police, army and the intelligence agencies on freedom of expression and the important role of the media in a democratic society. Since 2007, security forces have been allegedly responsible for kidnapping, beating and threatening at least 30 journalists and media workers.
8. Award financial compensation to journalists who have been arbitrarily detained, beaten or otherwise harassed by security forces.
9. Invite the UN Special Rapporteur for Freedom and Expression to visit Sri Lanka, in line with your Government’s commitments to the Human rights Council in 2006.
10. Work with the state-owned media to ensure the immediate end to direct verbal attacks and threats against independent journalists and press freedom activists, which has in particular promoted the unethical spread of accusations portraying the media as LTTE-supporters in a concerted hate campaign that has put several journalists lives in unnecessary danger.
11. Introduce structural legal reforms to create an enabling environment for a free and independent media including by transforming existing state media into independent public service media, with guaranteed editorial independence, by adopting a strong right to information law and by overhauling broadcast regulation to put it in the hands of an independent regulator with a mandate to regulate in the public interest.
We are aware that the task you face is enormous, but we hope that your conviction to ensure a prosperous and democratic future for Sri Lanka will lead you to make it a priority to strengthen press freedom as a vital pillar in the reconstruction of a unified Sri Lanka.
We, as leading press freedom organisations across the globe, hope that you will give your personal attention to these matters and that you will encourage your government to consolidate a climate in which journalists can work freely and without fear.
In October 2006, June 2007 and October 2008 delegations from the International Press Freedom Mission to Sri Lanka, which is comprised of twelve international press freedom and media development organisations, undertook fact-finding and advocacy missions to Sri Lanka.
Those organisations joining this statement from the International Mission group include:
ARTICLE 19
Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)
International Media Support (IMS)
International News Safety Institute (INSI)
International Press Institute (IPI)
Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers (WAN-IFRA)
World Press Freedom Committee (WPFC)
However, in spite of the military victory over the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), the deterioration of the press freedom situation in the country has continued, the International Press Freedom Mission group to Sri Lanka said in its statement published Thursday.
The statement said: We welcome your recent statement ensuring the safety of Tamil-language media outlets following a series of harrowing attacks and death threats against their personnel.
However, we believe that much needs to be done immediately to ensure that Sri Lanka’s journalists and independent news media in Sinhala, Tamil and English enjoy the freedom and safety to which they are entitled in a democracy.
The International Mission would therefore like to propose to you and your Government a 11-point plan to redress the perilous press freedom environment in Sri Lanka:
1. Combat impunity through the creation of a Special Prosecutor’s Office for the investigation of crimes against the media with full autonomy to investigate attacks on and assassinations of journalists and to bring those responsible to justice. Several journalists have been killed since 2007, and yet none of these murders has yet been solved.
2. In accordance with international standards on media freedom and freedom of expression, put in place effective measures to ensure that all journalists can work safely, in particular in areas where local council elections will soon take place such as Jaffna and Vavuniya.
3. Release imprisoned journalist J.S. Tissainayagam and his colleagues B. Jasiharan and V. Vallarmathy, who have been detained since March 2008 under the Emergency Regulations, and were later charged under the 2006 Prevention of Terrorism Act. Withdraw all unjustified complaints and lawsuits brought by the police and government against journalists and freedom of expression activists and repeal legal provisions which may be used to punish journalists for engaging in legitimate media work, including those found in anti-terrorism legislation.
4. Release the first results of the investigation into the murder of Lasantha Wickrematunge in 2009.
5. Provide full and unconditional access to the IDP camps for all media in order to report freely and fairly on the reconstruction process since the end of the war. The media can play a vital role in making sure that the reconstruction and reconciliation efforts are genuine and have real impact to bringing lasting peace.
6. Repeal the Press Council Act No. 5 of 1973, which includes powers to fine and/or impose criminal measures, including sentencing journalists, editors and publishers to lengthy prison terms. Instead, allow the media to strengthen the existing self-regulatory mechanism, in accordance with democratic practices.
7. Introduce training for the police, army and the intelligence agencies on freedom of expression and the important role of the media in a democratic society. Since 2007, security forces have been allegedly responsible for kidnapping, beating and threatening at least 30 journalists and media workers.
8. Award financial compensation to journalists who have been arbitrarily detained, beaten or otherwise harassed by security forces.
9. Invite the UN Special Rapporteur for Freedom and Expression to visit Sri Lanka, in line with your Government’s commitments to the Human rights Council in 2006.
10. Work with the state-owned media to ensure the immediate end to direct verbal attacks and threats against independent journalists and press freedom activists, which has in particular promoted the unethical spread of accusations portraying the media as LTTE-supporters in a concerted hate campaign that has put several journalists lives in unnecessary danger.
11. Introduce structural legal reforms to create an enabling environment for a free and independent media including by transforming existing state media into independent public service media, with guaranteed editorial independence, by adopting a strong right to information law and by overhauling broadcast regulation to put it in the hands of an independent regulator with a mandate to regulate in the public interest.
We are aware that the task you face is enormous, but we hope that your conviction to ensure a prosperous and democratic future for Sri Lanka will lead you to make it a priority to strengthen press freedom as a vital pillar in the reconstruction of a unified Sri Lanka.
We, as leading press freedom organisations across the globe, hope that you will give your personal attention to these matters and that you will encourage your government to consolidate a climate in which journalists can work freely and without fear.
In October 2006, June 2007 and October 2008 delegations from the International Press Freedom Mission to Sri Lanka, which is comprised of twelve international press freedom and media development organisations, undertook fact-finding and advocacy missions to Sri Lanka.
Those organisations joining this statement from the International Mission group include:
ARTICLE 19
Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)
International Media Support (IMS)
International News Safety Institute (INSI)
International Press Institute (IPI)
Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers (WAN-IFRA)
World Press Freedom Committee (WPFC)
Sensitive colonization in Manal Aru (Welioya) area in Mullaithivu district
Nedunkarni is a Tamil dominated area centered by a small town and the residents are now internally displaced in camps in Vavuniya. Dinamina report does not mention anything about the ethnicity of the settlers in the new colonies.
We consider this as a very sensitive political issue that should be handled with utmost care. Mahaweli Authority should not be the sole competent authority in this regard.
The idea that the Sinhala invaders are colonizing their land is one of the basic tools manipulated by the Tamil nationalists to fuel the passion on the homeland among Tamils. This phenomenon presented as Sinhala colonization was vehemently resisted by Tamils.
In the early colonization process, the traditional dwellers of the lands as such in Galoya etc. were integrated to the new colonies. The ethnic ratio among the settlers was also considered. But this situation gradually changed later.
In the late 1950s, Pihimbiyagollewe Dhammaloka Thero, a young Buddhist monk who had settled in Padaviya blocked Tamils being settled in the Eastern parts of the Padaviya colony with the auspices of the Sinhala politicians. Entire Padaviya settlement was tuened to a Sinhala colony and later in 1980s the traditional Tamil villagers like Thennamaravadi in the Eastern coast off Padaviya were also wiped out.
Through this process, a wall of Sinhala villages was erected in between the Northern and Eastern Provinces. It can be observed that the colonization process in the age of the D.S. Senanayaka aimed at undermining the separatist trends among the minorities. But the late colonization were attempts to spread Sinhala chauvinism.
Herman Malinga Bandara, a civil servant engaged in colonization in Welioya has clearly hinted in his book ‘For a sovereign State' that Sinhala chauvinist interests were behind the setting up of Welioya colony in the northeastern parts of Sri Lanka.
Before Welioya colony was set up, this area was dominated by the farms like Dollar, Kent and Ceylon Theaters Farm etc. that were set up in long leased crown land. An NGO called Gandhiyam Movement had settled some Tamils that had been displaced from the southern parts of the island due to ethnic violence in the abandoned land of these fams.
Militant groups like PLOTE led by Uma Maheswaran were also active among these displaced persons. Ill-famous Dollar and Kent Farm massacres of Sinhala settlers and the retaliatory massacre of Tamil villagers in nearby Othiyamale were a beginning of a new era of bloodshed in this zone that took hundreds of lives of Sinhala and Tamil peasants.
Welioya was later earmarked as Mahaweli L-zone. Under the original plan, 39,000 hectare land belonged to Anuradhapura, Vavuniya and Mullaithivu administrative districts were divided into six zones. They include Sampathnuwara, Janakapura, Kokilai, Nedunkarni and Nayaru areas but only two zones were developed so far, say the Mahaweli Authority. The other zones could not be developed due to the unsafe conditions. There are settlements in Nikaweva, Ehetugasweva, Kiribbanweva, Janakapura , Kalyanipura, New Monaraweva and New Gajabapura areas. People were settled in some other areas of Gajabapura, Monaraweva, Helambaweva, Kambiliweva, Konweva, Veheraweva and parts of Kalyanipura but they vacated those areas due to security concerns.
Mahaweli Authority says that 5000 families were settled in Welioya area during the past 22 years. 3364 of them were settled in legally allocated land and the others were squatters. They were leaving and coming back time to time due to security issues. (Lanka Polity)
Power before peace in Sri Lanka
The Sri Lankan government has asked international aid agencies to scale back operations as there has been no more fighting after the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in May. ‘There must be a reduction or scaling down in operations,” Minister of Disaster Management and Human Rights Mahinda Samarasinghe told Reuters. “The challenges now are different,” he added.
The directive to aid agencies comes at a time when the aid community has been calling for increased access to the camps where some 300,000 Tamil internally displaced persons are being housed. Rights activists have accused the government of keeping Tamils as “prisoners behind barbed wire in camps where conditions are in many cases abysmal” and of not allowing them to return to their homes.
Relations between the government and international aid agencies deteriorated sharply in the final stages of its offensive against the LTTE when the Sri Lankan armed forces were closing in on the Tigers. With the media not allowed into the war zone, it was humanitarian workers there who drew the world’s attention to the plight of civilians caught in the crossfire. It was observed that the government’s use of heavy weaponry put the lives of tens of thousands of Tamil civilians at risk.
In the final stages of the war, an increasingly prickly Sri Lankan government rejected visas of journalists and diplomats of countries that were calling for a ceasefire. With the victory over the LTTE, its tolerance of international and domestic criticism has vanished. The government is shutting down the Secretariat for Coordinating the Peace Process, or the Peace Secretariat, a body that was set up in February 2002 to coordinate and facilitate the peace process and negotiations. While the LTTE’s Peace Secretariat was flattened by bombing during the hostilities, that of the government continued to function through the fighting, albeit in a much diminished role.
The government has not given a reason for its closure of the Peace Secretariat. The scaling down of relief work and the shutting down of the Peace Secretariat point to strategy that President Mahinda Rajapakse is crafting in post-LTTE Sri Lanka. “The Rajapakse government has made it clear that after defeating the LTTE militarily, it is not keen on reconciliation or reaching out to Tamils,” said a Tamil political analyst who spoke to Asia Times Online on condition of anonymity. “It has signaled its lack of interest in pursuing a political solution to the ethnic crisis. It has indicated that it doesn’t have use for a Peace Secretariat.”
Rajapakse has made it clear that seeking a political solution is not on his immediate list of priorities. It would have to wait his re-election as president. “I must get the mandate. After that, the political solution comes,” Rajapakse said in an interview to The Hindu, an Indian daily. The search for a political solution has been set aside. The “end of hostilities” has been used by the government to justify its demand for a scaled down international humanitarian agency presence on the island. But the end of combat operations has not led to a trimming down of the government’s military muscle or of security measures.
In fact, the government is planning to expand its armed forces. Chief of Defense Staff Sarath Fonseka has said that he wants a 50% increase in the size of the 200,000-strong Sri Lankan Army. Army officials say that more soldiers are needed to monitor Tamils in the north and east to ensure that the LTTE isn’t revived. With 5.7 soldiers per every 1,000 in the population, Sri Lanka already stands first in South Asia and 42nd in the world with regard to armed forces per capita. The country does not face external military threats and the LTTE has ceased to exist as a military force. “Even 200,000 soldiers are not required in a post-LTTE Sri Lanka,” the political analyst pointed out.
Rights activists fear that an expanded army means that military occupation of the north and east will continue for many years. They also fear that the army will be deployed to crush protests that are likely to break out in the south. Although the war is over, emergency regulations, which have been in place for much of the past 30 years have not been lifted. Last week, the government extended many of these once again.
Its war on the media continues. Both, the Defense Ministry and the government-controlled press continue to label journalists who were critical of its conduct of the war as traitors. Journalists have been jailed, abducted, shot dead or beaten up during the war years. But they aren’t any safer now that the combat operations have ended. On June 1, Poddala Jayantha, an advocate of press freedom was abducted and assaulted in Colombo. The government has announced the re-establishment of a powerful press council with the authority to jail journalists.
Apparently, the government has compiled a list of journalists supposedly on the LTTE’s payrolls based on information divulged by Daya Master, the LTTE political wing member who surrendered to the army in April. Journalists - both Sinhala and Tamil - fear that critics of the government will be named on this list and punished. “The witch-hunt against journalists critical of the government has been intensified,” the analyst said.
Following the defeat of the LTTE and the death of its leader Velupillai Prabhakaran and the entire Tiger top brass, a mood of triumphalism and extreme chauvinism has gripped the Sinhala south. Accompanying this is a frenzied glorification of Rajapakse by his cronies, his party members, Sinhala-Buddhist hardliners and the Buddhist clergy. Rajapakse has been promoting a personality cult around himself for some years now. The victory over the LTTE has given this personality cult a massive shot in the arm - and taken it to a new level.
Within weeks of the victory over the LTTE, Rajapakse was conferred with the title of Vishvakeerthi Sinhaladheeswara (Universally Glorious Overlord of the Sinhalese) and Shree Wickrema Lankadheeswara (Heroic Warrior Overlord of Lanka) and crowned Sri Lanka Raajavamsa Vibhooshana Dharamadveepa Chakravarti (Monarchical Emperor of the Glorious Land of Buddhism) by high priests of various leading Buddhist chapters.
Billboards featuring Rajapakse in the white robes of a Buddhist deity carry slogans hailing “Our Savior”. There have been calls for a constitutional amendment to allow him to remain in office beyond his six-year term without facing a fresh election. These are trying times for those who disagree with this regime’s vision for Rajapakse and his family. A popular astrologer was recently thrown in jail for predicting that the president would be ousted by his own prime minister by September and that the opposition leader would become prime minister.
A few days later, the prediction of another astrologer, this one prophesying good times for the Rajapakses was carried in the state-owned Sinhala daily, Silumina. “In the next presidential election, President Rajapakse would be victorious with more than 75% of the votes. The next chapter in Sri Lanka is reserved for the Rajapakses. Before 2010, this constitution would become invalid and the country would get a new constitution. This would get not two-thirds, but three-fourths majority,” the astrologer said. In a country where astrology wields significant influence, the Rajapakse regime appears to be using it to mould public opinion.
Nepotism and dynastic politics are common across South Asia. Still, what is unfolding in Sri Lanka is unprecedented. “With siblings, cousins and nephews ubiquitous, the administration has a distinct Rajapakse flavor,” writes noted political commentator Tisaranee Gunasekera. Besides the presidency, Rajapakse controls the ministries of defense, public security and law and order, finance, religious affairs and moral upliftment, and highways and road development.
His elder brother Chamal is Minister of Irrigation and Water Management as well as Ports and Aviation while younger brothers, Gotabhaya and Basil “function as presidential alter-egos, controlling key swathes of the state structure. According to Gunasekera, Gotabhaya is effectively in charge of the country’s defense and its powerful and growing military machine. Basil, believed to be the brains of the family, is senior presidential advisor and an appointed member of the legislature. “As the ‘Development Czar’, he presides over mammoth infrastructure projects. ... Together the siblings control 67.6% of the national budget,” he added.
The Brothers Rajapakse are tip of the iceberg. There are Rajapakse nephews, nieces and cousins in various positions of power and influence in Sri Lanka. Sri Lankans believed that with the end of the war their freedoms would return. The defeat of the LTTE and the death of Prabhakaran has ended the latter’s dictatorial rule over the Tamil people. With Rajapakse following Prabhakaran’s strategy of crushing dissent and democracy, authoritarianism disguised in the garb of democracy looms over the island.
- By Sudha Ramachandran, an independent journalist/researcher based in Bangalore.
Source: AsiaTimes
The directive to aid agencies comes at a time when the aid community has been calling for increased access to the camps where some 300,000 Tamil internally displaced persons are being housed. Rights activists have accused the government of keeping Tamils as “prisoners behind barbed wire in camps where conditions are in many cases abysmal” and of not allowing them to return to their homes.
Relations between the government and international aid agencies deteriorated sharply in the final stages of its offensive against the LTTE when the Sri Lankan armed forces were closing in on the Tigers. With the media not allowed into the war zone, it was humanitarian workers there who drew the world’s attention to the plight of civilians caught in the crossfire. It was observed that the government’s use of heavy weaponry put the lives of tens of thousands of Tamil civilians at risk.
In the final stages of the war, an increasingly prickly Sri Lankan government rejected visas of journalists and diplomats of countries that were calling for a ceasefire. With the victory over the LTTE, its tolerance of international and domestic criticism has vanished. The government is shutting down the Secretariat for Coordinating the Peace Process, or the Peace Secretariat, a body that was set up in February 2002 to coordinate and facilitate the peace process and negotiations. While the LTTE’s Peace Secretariat was flattened by bombing during the hostilities, that of the government continued to function through the fighting, albeit in a much diminished role.
The government has not given a reason for its closure of the Peace Secretariat. The scaling down of relief work and the shutting down of the Peace Secretariat point to strategy that President Mahinda Rajapakse is crafting in post-LTTE Sri Lanka. “The Rajapakse government has made it clear that after defeating the LTTE militarily, it is not keen on reconciliation or reaching out to Tamils,” said a Tamil political analyst who spoke to Asia Times Online on condition of anonymity. “It has signaled its lack of interest in pursuing a political solution to the ethnic crisis. It has indicated that it doesn’t have use for a Peace Secretariat.”
Rajapakse has made it clear that seeking a political solution is not on his immediate list of priorities. It would have to wait his re-election as president. “I must get the mandate. After that, the political solution comes,” Rajapakse said in an interview to The Hindu, an Indian daily. The search for a political solution has been set aside. The “end of hostilities” has been used by the government to justify its demand for a scaled down international humanitarian agency presence on the island. But the end of combat operations has not led to a trimming down of the government’s military muscle or of security measures.
In fact, the government is planning to expand its armed forces. Chief of Defense Staff Sarath Fonseka has said that he wants a 50% increase in the size of the 200,000-strong Sri Lankan Army. Army officials say that more soldiers are needed to monitor Tamils in the north and east to ensure that the LTTE isn’t revived. With 5.7 soldiers per every 1,000 in the population, Sri Lanka already stands first in South Asia and 42nd in the world with regard to armed forces per capita. The country does not face external military threats and the LTTE has ceased to exist as a military force. “Even 200,000 soldiers are not required in a post-LTTE Sri Lanka,” the political analyst pointed out.
Rights activists fear that an expanded army means that military occupation of the north and east will continue for many years. They also fear that the army will be deployed to crush protests that are likely to break out in the south. Although the war is over, emergency regulations, which have been in place for much of the past 30 years have not been lifted. Last week, the government extended many of these once again.
Its war on the media continues. Both, the Defense Ministry and the government-controlled press continue to label journalists who were critical of its conduct of the war as traitors. Journalists have been jailed, abducted, shot dead or beaten up during the war years. But they aren’t any safer now that the combat operations have ended. On June 1, Poddala Jayantha, an advocate of press freedom was abducted and assaulted in Colombo. The government has announced the re-establishment of a powerful press council with the authority to jail journalists.
Apparently, the government has compiled a list of journalists supposedly on the LTTE’s payrolls based on information divulged by Daya Master, the LTTE political wing member who surrendered to the army in April. Journalists - both Sinhala and Tamil - fear that critics of the government will be named on this list and punished. “The witch-hunt against journalists critical of the government has been intensified,” the analyst said.
Following the defeat of the LTTE and the death of its leader Velupillai Prabhakaran and the entire Tiger top brass, a mood of triumphalism and extreme chauvinism has gripped the Sinhala south. Accompanying this is a frenzied glorification of Rajapakse by his cronies, his party members, Sinhala-Buddhist hardliners and the Buddhist clergy. Rajapakse has been promoting a personality cult around himself for some years now. The victory over the LTTE has given this personality cult a massive shot in the arm - and taken it to a new level.
Within weeks of the victory over the LTTE, Rajapakse was conferred with the title of Vishvakeerthi Sinhaladheeswara (Universally Glorious Overlord of the Sinhalese) and Shree Wickrema Lankadheeswara (Heroic Warrior Overlord of Lanka) and crowned Sri Lanka Raajavamsa Vibhooshana Dharamadveepa Chakravarti (Monarchical Emperor of the Glorious Land of Buddhism) by high priests of various leading Buddhist chapters.
Billboards featuring Rajapakse in the white robes of a Buddhist deity carry slogans hailing “Our Savior”. There have been calls for a constitutional amendment to allow him to remain in office beyond his six-year term without facing a fresh election. These are trying times for those who disagree with this regime’s vision for Rajapakse and his family. A popular astrologer was recently thrown in jail for predicting that the president would be ousted by his own prime minister by September and that the opposition leader would become prime minister.
A few days later, the prediction of another astrologer, this one prophesying good times for the Rajapakses was carried in the state-owned Sinhala daily, Silumina. “In the next presidential election, President Rajapakse would be victorious with more than 75% of the votes. The next chapter in Sri Lanka is reserved for the Rajapakses. Before 2010, this constitution would become invalid and the country would get a new constitution. This would get not two-thirds, but three-fourths majority,” the astrologer said. In a country where astrology wields significant influence, the Rajapakse regime appears to be using it to mould public opinion.
Nepotism and dynastic politics are common across South Asia. Still, what is unfolding in Sri Lanka is unprecedented. “With siblings, cousins and nephews ubiquitous, the administration has a distinct Rajapakse flavor,” writes noted political commentator Tisaranee Gunasekera. Besides the presidency, Rajapakse controls the ministries of defense, public security and law and order, finance, religious affairs and moral upliftment, and highways and road development.
His elder brother Chamal is Minister of Irrigation and Water Management as well as Ports and Aviation while younger brothers, Gotabhaya and Basil “function as presidential alter-egos, controlling key swathes of the state structure. According to Gunasekera, Gotabhaya is effectively in charge of the country’s defense and its powerful and growing military machine. Basil, believed to be the brains of the family, is senior presidential advisor and an appointed member of the legislature. “As the ‘Development Czar’, he presides over mammoth infrastructure projects. ... Together the siblings control 67.6% of the national budget,” he added.
The Brothers Rajapakse are tip of the iceberg. There are Rajapakse nephews, nieces and cousins in various positions of power and influence in Sri Lanka. Sri Lankans believed that with the end of the war their freedoms would return. The defeat of the LTTE and the death of Prabhakaran has ended the latter’s dictatorial rule over the Tamil people. With Rajapakse following Prabhakaran’s strategy of crushing dissent and democracy, authoritarianism disguised in the garb of democracy looms over the island.
- By Sudha Ramachandran, an independent journalist/researcher based in Bangalore.
Source: AsiaTimes
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